Wednesday, April 12, 2006

Bush's April Fool's joke

Brian Cooney
The Advocate-Messenger,
Danville, KY

The Bush administration has spawned so many disasters lately that it is hard to keep track of them all. The continuing carnage in “liberated” Iraq, deteriorating conditions in Afghanistan, fresh revelations of Bush’s fraudulent use of intelligence to justify war, illegal domestic wire-tapping, unchecked illegal immigration, unprotected ports, the Abramoff scandal, the DeLay resignation, and the spreading stain from the prosecution of Scooter Libby, the vice-president’s former chief of staff, all compete for our attention. A good day for Bush is when he seems to be making less of a mess than the previous day. Unfortunately, that perception is usually wrong.

There’s another looming disaster that hasn’t made headlines lately even though Bush proclaimed it in his radio address of April 1 (a very appropriate date). He called on Congress to make permanent all the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts set to expire in two to four years.

According to the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), extending the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts would add $3.3 trillion (including interest) to the national debt over the next decade, in addition to the $3 trillion he has already added since taking office. Moreover, most of the revenue lost from these tax cuts will go to the very rich, further widening the great gap between them and the middle class.

This is the same president who said in his first inaugural address that “Many of you have talked about the need to pay down our national debt. I listened, and I agree. We owe it to our children and grandchildren to act now ... “

Bush says that making the tax cuts permanent will be good for America: “The evidence is overwhelming: The opponents of tax cuts were wrong. Tax relief has helped to create jobs and opportunities for American families, and it’s helped our economy grow.”

Needs a reality check
He needs a reality check. According to the Economic Policy Institute, “The real income of the typical household has fallen five years in a row, despite the fact that the last three of those years - 2002, 2003, and 2004 - have been years of economic expansion.”

According to the Brookings Institute, “Almost 37 million Americans - roughly one person in eight - were poor in 2004, the most recent year for which figures are available. That’s 5.4 million more than in 2000.” The number of Americans without health insurance is up by 6,000,000 since 2000.

The CBPP has calculated that, in 2005, the Bush tax cuts will give households with incomes over $1 million an average of $100,000, more than twice the annual income of the typical American household. Bush has proposed substantial cuts in many domestic programs in order to make up for the revenue lost through his tax cuts.

The total amount of the tax cuts for million-dollar households would cost more than the combined cuts Bush wants to make in programs such as “education, veteran’s health benefits, medical research, environmental protection, and various programs for low-income families, such as housing assistance, energy assistance, nutrition assistance, and child care.”

Productivity (output per work hour) grew 15 percent from 2000-2004, despite sinking middle-class income and rising poverty. Where is all the money from this increased production going? To corporate profits, which translate into higher stock dividends and higher stock values for the investor class, and mammoth compensation for high-level executives.

According to USA Today, “Median 2005 pay among chief executives running most of the nation’s 100 largest companies soared 25 percent to $17.9 million.” In other words, the fruits of the Bush economic “recovery” have gone mostly to the already wealthy, the very same people getting the big tax cuts.

Credit slick advertising
How does Bush continue to get away with advocating such policies? Credit slick advertising, including language such as tax “relief” (don’t we all want relief?) and “putting money back into the hands of the American people” (the corporate and financial elite). Credit the timidity and ineffectiveness of the leadership of the Democratic Party.

Another sales trick used by Bush and his Republican troops is what could be called the “sunset fraud.” By legislating tax cuts that were supposed to expire within eight years, the Republican leadership was able to get much larger cuts than if they made the cuts permanent.

The sunset provisions lowered the total projected cost and projected deficits. They knew that when the expiration dates neared, it would be hard for Congress to let the cuts expire. Now Bush is saying that Democrats who refuse to extend tax cuts are trying to “raise taxes.”

Bush and the Republican party are desperately hoping that they can scrape through this year’s elections without too many people realizing what they’re trying to do.

Tuesday, April 11, 2006

'L'etat, c'est moi'

Bush declares himself above the law—has the first American dictatorship already arrived?
by Geov Parrish
workingforchange.com

In 2003, while pledging to fire anyone in his administration found to have leaked the identity of covert CIA operative Valerie Wilson to journalists, President George Bush intoned that he did not know of “anybody in my administration who leaked classified information.”

Well.

Pick your favorite Bush quote on this topic; there are countless good ones, now that we learn that former Vice Presidential Chief of Staff Scooter Libby, when forced by Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald to testify under oath to save his own skin, fingered both Bush and his former boss, Dick Cheney. Libby testified that they both authorized the leaking of classified National Intelligence Estimate information on Iraq in July 2003 in order to defend the administration’s decision to unilaterally invade Iraq. A president who has ordered the launching of widespread investigations to find leakers in the CIA and State Department, including the polygraphing of scores of intelligence professionals, the man who wants the NSA spying and CIA gulag whistleblowers prosecuted, is himself a leaker. And the same testimony revealed that Bush was aware at every step of the way of the ongoing campaign to publicly smear Ambassador Joseph Wilson and his wife, covert CIA operative Valerie Wilson. Pick your sanctimonious Bush statements about that, too.

What. A. Freaking. Hypocrite.

And, as we’ve come to expect, a liar. Stop the presses. We’re so accustomed to the lies of George Bush being uncovered after the fact, we don’t even notice any longer.

And they thought Clinton’s behavior brought disgrace to the Oval Office.

Beyond those obvious morsels, however, lies the disturbing legal rationale for the Bush/Cheney leak, offered up by Attorney General Alberto Gonzales (naturally) and already arrived at Scott McClellan’s mouth. The White House, tellingly, has not denied any of Libby’s testimony (including the Wilson conspiracy). The leak was legal and proper, the defense goes, because the president’s verbal authority is enough to declassify classified information, and by authorizing its release Bush automatically declassified it.

The White House is sticking to this story even though much of the cherry-picked NIE Iraq data was formally declassified ten days after the leak, so that the Bush administration could further defend its choice to invade. According to the White House, the later declassification shows that the NIE data wasn’t all that important and that the leak didn’t damage national security. But that misses the point. If Bush’s word is enough to declassify classified information, why did the White House feel the need to “formally declassify” the material ten days later? Wasn’t the deed already done, on Bush’s sole verbal authority?

Now they’re claiming that’s the case, and the Bush NIE leak rationale follows an all-too-familiar theme: Bush cannot break the law, because Bush is the law. He can’t leak a document, because if he says it’s OK to release the document it’s therefore by definition not a leak. Just like torture is illegal except when George says it’s not. Or warrantless domestic wiretapping is illegal, except when he authorizes it.

Bush and the people around him appear to have genuinely believed, for at least the four and a half years since 9-11, that the President by definition is incapable of breaking the law. On his sole authority laws can be ignored, overridden, or changed. Even implicitly. Even retroactively, as when some unappetizing piece of this puzzle inadvertently comes to the public’s attention.

Combine this with an administration more intent on secrecy and lack of transparency than any other in U.S. history, and you have a recipe for, well, a dictatorship. Which is exactly what it appears Bush and company believe they are operating in. Oh, of course, in normal times America is a democracy, but these aren’t normal times, are they? Why? Because we’re at war. Why are we at war? Because the President said so. How long will the war last? Several generations. After that, presumably, the Constitution will be in force again, and Congress and the courts can re-convene if they like.

Dictatorship.

The tendency will be for this leak headline, as with so many Bush scandals before it, to slip from the news after a few days, with the gutless Republican-controlled Congress rendered irrelevant and the Republican-appointed courts years away from final rulings on any of this nonsense. But the recurrent theme of a President and his administration which believe they are above the law—Bush on his own say-so, and the rest of them acting on his presumed authority—is more than a scandal. It is a direct challenge to the Constitution of the United States of America. You know, the “freedom” that politicians like Bush enjoy invoking when talking about the soldiers they’re sending to kill and be killed in one or another illegal, pointless War On Brown People.

It is more evident than ever that this President and Vice President need to be impeached. Not because it is or isn’t politically expedient; not even because their successors might be any better, or because it will be an advantage for one or another party in 2008. But because this sort of behavior in the most powerful job in the world must be punished, in the clearest possible manner. Justice demands it. Setting an example, to try to prevent similar abuses by future leaders from any party, demands it.

Otherwise, we might as well cancel that 2008 presidential election and be done with this farce we call an electoral process. Sooner or later, should Bush go unpunished, somebody in power is going to try to do exactly that sort of thing. When they do, they’ll cite national security and the need for stable and experienced political leadership in a time of war, and when they do, they’ll cite the precedents set by George Bush and permitted by the Congress, courts, and American public of his day. And our country’s long, mostly successful experiment in representative democracy will be over.

Perhaps it already is.

Yes, He Would

by Paul Krugman
NY Times

“But he wouldn’t do that.” That sentiment is what made it possible for President Bush to stampede America into the Iraq war and to fend off hard questions about the reasons for that war until after the 2004 election. Many people just didn’t want to believe that an American president would deliberately mislead the nation on matters of war and peace.

Now people with contacts in the administration and the military warn that Mr. Bush may be planning another war. The most alarming of the warnings come from Seymour Hersh, the veteran investigative journalist who broke the Abu Ghraib scandal. Writing in The New Yorker, Mr. Hersh suggests that administration officials believe that a bombing campaign could lead to desirable regime change in Iran - and that they refuse to rule out the use of tactical nuclear weapons.

“But he wouldn’t do that,” say people who think they’re being sensible. Given what we now know about the origins of the Iraq war, however, discounting the possibility that Mr. Bush will start another ill-conceived and unnecessary war isn’t sensible. It’s wishful thinking.

As it happens, rumors of a new war coincide with the emergence of evidence that appears to confirm our worst suspicions about the war we’re already in.

First, it’s clearer than ever that Mr. Bush, who still claims that war with Iraq was a last resort, was actually spoiling for a fight. The New York Times has confirmed the authenticity of a British government memo reporting on a prewar discussion between Mr. Bush and Tony Blair. In that conversation, Mr. Bush told Mr. Blair that he was determined to invade Iraq even if U.N. inspectors came up empty-handed.

Second, it’s becoming increasingly clear that Mr. Bush knew that the case he was presenting for war - a case that depended crucially on visions of mushroom clouds - rested on suspect evidence. For example, in the 2003 State of the Union address Mr. Bush cited Iraq’s purchase of aluminum tubes as clear evidence that Saddam was trying to acquire a nuclear arsenal. Yet Murray Waas of the National Journal reports that Mr. Bush had been warned that many intelligence analysts disagreed with that assessment.

Was the difference between Mr. Bush’s public portrayal of the Iraqi threat and the actual intelligence he saw large enough to validate claims that he deliberately misled the nation into war? Karl Rove apparently thought so. According to Mr. Waas, Mr. Rove “cautioned other White House aides in the summer of 2003 that Bush’s 2004 re-election prospects would be severely damaged” if the contents of an October 2002 “President’s Summary” containing dissents about the significance of the aluminum tubes became public.

Now there are rumors of plans to attack Iran. Most strategic analysts think that a bombing campaign would be a disastrous mistake. But that doesn’t mean it won’t happen: Mr. Bush ignored similar warnings, including those of his own father, about the risks involved in invading Iraq.

As Joseph Cirincione of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace recently pointed out, the administration seems to be following exactly the same script on Iran that it used on Iraq: “The vice president of the United States gives a major speech focused on the threat from an oil-rich nation in the Middle East. The U.S. secretary of state tells Congress that the same nation is our most serious global challenge. The secretary of defense calls that nation the leading supporter of global terrorism. The president blames it for attacks on U.S. troops.”

Why might Mr. Bush want another war? For one thing, Mr. Bush, whose presidency is increasingly defined by the quagmire in Iraq, may believe that he can redeem himself with a new Mission Accomplished moment.

And it’s not just Mr. Bush’s legacy that’s at risk. Current polls suggest that the Democrats could take one or both houses of Congress this November, acquiring the ability to launch investigations backed by subpoena power. This could blow the lid off multiple Bush administration scandals. Political analysts openly suggest that an attack on Iran offers Mr. Bush a way to head off this danger, that an appropriately timed military strike could change the domestic political dynamics.

Does this sound far-fetched? It shouldn’t. Given the combination of recklessness and dishonesty Mr. Bush displayed in launching the Iraq war, why should we assume that he wouldn’t do it again? 

Wednesday, April 05, 2006

Crow, It's What's For Dinner

"I will bet you the best dinner in the gaslight district of San Diego that military action will not last more than a week. Are you willing to take that wager?” (Bill O’Reilly, Fox News, 1/29/03)

“There’s no way. There’s absolutely no way. They may bomb for a matter of weeks, try to soften them up as they did in Afghanistan. But once the United States and British unleash, it’s maybe hours. They’re going to fold like that.” (Bill O’Reilly, Fox News, 2/10/03)

“The war was the hard part. The hard part was putting together a coalition, getting 300,000 troops over there and all their equipment and winning. And it gets easier. I mean, setting up a democracy is hard, but it is not as hard as winning a war.” (Fred Barnes, Fox News, 4/10/03)

“Well, the hot story of the week is victory. The Tommy Franks-Don Rumsfeld battle plan, war plan, worked brilliantly, a three-week war with mercifully few American deaths or Iraqi civilian deaths. There is a lot of work yet to do, but all the naysayers have been humiliated so far. The final word on this is hooray.” (Morton Kondracke, Fox News, 4/12/03)

“This has been a tough war for commentators on the American left. ... Liberal writers for ideologically driven magazines like The Nation and for less overtly political ones like The New Yorker did not predict a defeat, but the terrible consequences many warned of have not happened. Now liberal commentators must address the victory at hand and confront an ascendant conservative juggernaut that asserts U.S. might can set the world right.” (New York Times reporter David Carr, 4/16/03)

“The only people who think this wasn’t a victory are Upper West Side liberals, and a few people here in Washington.” (Charles Krauthammer, “Inside Washington,” 4/19/03)

“Now that the war in Iraq is all but over, should the people in Hollywood who opposed the president admit they were wrong?” (Alan Colmes, Fox News, 4/25/03)

“Now that the combat phase of the war in Iraq is officially over, what begins is a debate throughout the entire U.S. government over America’s unrivaled power and how best to use it.” (CBS reporter Joie Chen, 5/4/03)